By Kees Koonings, Dirk Kruijt
This quantity explores contemporary proof of ways partial country failure in Latin the US interacts with new sorts of prepared violence, undermining the democratic consolidations of the prior twenty years. This "new violence" stems from numerous social actors: drug mafias, peasant militias and concrete gangs, the so-called actores armadas, and contain state-related actors just like the police, army intelligence enterprises and paramilitary forces. the implications comprise either "governance voids"--domains the place the valid country is successfully absent--and the erosion of the ability and willingness of nation officers to abide through the guideline of legislations themselves. those trends, in flip, threaten the potential for a re-installation of authoritarian regimes below the keep an eye on of political armies or, at the least, the unfold of country violence in a single shape or one other. This booklet sees hyperlinks among this cave in of governance and the weakening of kingdom constructions undertaken within the identify of neoliberal financial reforms.
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This quantity explores contemporary proof of ways partial kingdom failure in Latin the United States interacts with new sorts of prepared violence, undermining the democratic consolidations of the prior twenty years. This "new violence" stems from various social actors: drug mafias, peasant militias and concrete gangs, the so-called actores armadas, and comprise state-related actors just like the police, army intelligence organisations and paramilitary forces.
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Additional info for Armed Actors: Organised Violence and State Failure in Latin America
This repressive and violent orientation can be considered a general condition for illegal and violent policing options and the use of extensions. The Brazilian rural pattern comes closest to the straightforward policing extension. It involves relatively few parties and has a strong operational character. In the rural pattern the main activity is force and threat of force by hired hands of landowners. Often these are people employed by a landowner to work job. Victims of extensions are mostly landless people occupying land in order to protest against its uneven distribution in the country, and to demand land reform.
The AUC and other autonomous units are tightly organized and increasingly well equipped, to the extent that it is hard to distinguish the members of paramilitary forces from regular soldiers and ofﬁcers. They espouse a conservative ideology and classic counter-insurgency doctrines, being at the same time linked to powerful, often illicit economic interests. Romero (2003) demonstrates that the rise and consolidation of the paramilitary have been closely linked to the strategies of local power holders (including landowning drug trafﬁckers) to resist the ofﬁcial peace and democratization initiatives undertaken since 1982 and to counter the rise of local social movements that threatened the prevailing power relations.
By using this term the focus is on the process of policing and not on the institu34 tion, and therefore on the use of power and the threat of force to control the behaviour of people. Police extensions are extensions related to the institution of the police; policing extensions are extensions connected to the control of behaviour by way of the threat or use of force. Although policing as a process will normally be carried out by the police in most countries, in a number of countries other institutions take part in these activities.