By H.H. Wilson

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Eirı´kur Ro¨gnvaldsson 1983, Ho¨skuldur ´ rmann Sigurðsson 1990c and much later work): Thra´insson 1986b, Halldo´r A (ii) a. ’ b. *Það munu aldrei [hafa [margir lokið verkefninu] ] there will never have many finished the assignment A descriptive overview 19 e. The finite verb of the clause (here the auxiliary hafa ‘have’) can either occur in the head position (I) of the inflection phrase (IP) or in the head position (C) of the complementizer phrase (CP). f. 2h) below). 1a, c, d)) – and if it ‘moves’ all the way to SpecCP it also leaves a trace in SpecIP.

4c) is not ‘postverbal’ in the same sense as the object in the other sentences is. 4c) is in the position immediately following the finite verb. Thus if we had an auxiliary verb in a sentence with the object first, the subject would only follow the finite auxiliary and not the non-finite main verb. 5) a. Harald hefur Marı´a elskað. Harold(A) has Mary(N) loved. ’ b. *Harald hefur elskað Harold(A) has loved Marı´a. 6) a. *Harald Marı´a elskar. b. *Harald Marı´a hefur elskað. 5a)) This is known as the verb-second (V2) phenomenon, which has already been mentioned.

In these last examples the subject occurs at the very end of the sentence and the type of the main verb plays no role. 1) above. 2, however, there appears to be a difference between the Scandinavian languages with respect to the subject positions available. In addition, it can be shown that these positions are not equivalent in the sense that they are favoured by different types of subjects. 2 and also in connection with expletive constructions in chapter 6. 4 Positions of finite and non-finite verbs As already shown, the position of the verb depends on its finiteness.

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