By Giuliano Bonoli;Toshimitsu Shinkawa
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Additional info for Ageing and Pension Reform Around the World: Evidence from Eleven Countries
NOTES 1. For comments on an earlier version of this chapter, we would like to thank Karen Anderson, Daniel Béland, Yeon Myung Kim and Peter Taylor-Gooby. 2. Terminologies found in the literature include social insurance vs. multipillar systems (Bonoli, 2003); Bismarckian vs. Beveridgean (Bonoli, 2000; Myles and Quadagno, 1997); mature systems vs. latecomers (Myles and Pierson, 2001; Haverland, 2001); social insurance vs. latecomers (Hinrichs, 2001; Palier, 2003). 3. Although in some countries (France, Germany) social insurance schemes are formally run jointly by representatives of labour and employers, all important decisions concerning, for instance, eligibility and benefit levels of contributions are taken by governments of parliaments.
8 per cent in 2040 (Ministero del Welfare, 2002). Such results will also be made possible by two crucial mechanisms operating in the new contributions-related system, which automatically link the value of future benefits to economic and demographic dynamics. These are: the revaluation of paid contributions according to the mean GDP growth rate of the last five years and the compulsory revision of the conversion coefficients every 10 years. 2) are somewhat misleading. 91 per cent) plus further contributions paid by employers and employees.
The point is that the factors highlighted by the neo-institutionalist analysis operated in a very peculiar environment, characterized by the multifaceted crisis that affected the Italian economic, financial, political and social protection systems at the beginning of the 1990s. More precisely, the reforms were the result of a complex learning process, prompted by a Reconfiguring Italian pensions 29 sudden change of the actor constellation in the early 1990s, in the wake of both internal and external developments.